Tag Archives: Gender

Woman doing housework

Domestic work – why do women still do the lion’s share?

A recent international report suggests men need to increase their time spent doing unpaid care work by a minimum of 50 minutes per day in order to do 50 per cent of the work. The report calls for bold measures to help all men do their fair share of this work by 2030 and thus promote gender equality. So what do we know about how modern couples in the UK divide unpaid domestic work and the drivers behind that? A new study from Anne McMunn at the ESRC International Centre for Lifecourse Studies at University College London investigates why greater workplace equality has not yet been matched by a more equitable division of labour at home.

Some studies suggest education is the key to equality within the home – that women with better education, and therefore greater earning power, are in a stronger negotiating position when it comes to housework.

But that theory doesn’t entirely hold water – it’s clear that even when women are better educated than their partners, they’re still likely to bear the heaviest burden when it comes to domestic labour.

Similarly, it’s been suggested that domestic work is divided according to time available – so when a male partner works longer hours, the female does more housework. But again, the reverse doesn’t hold true and women who work more hours outside the home still do more housework too.

Longitudinal study

We used the UK Household Longitudinal Study, which has surveyed around 40,000 households since 2010, to examine a number of hypotheses about why greater workplace equality hasn’t been matched by a more equitable division of labour at home.

Does a shared belief in equality make a difference? As men are often asked, in the modern world, to do more domestic labour, are their beliefs a driving factor? What is the role of education, if any, in how couples divide up these tasks? If one partner is resistant to sharing the work, is the other empowered by having a higher level of education?

Using opposite-sex couples in the study who were aged 16-65 and had answered the relevant questions, gave us a sample of 8,513 couples. We looked at four types of work to give us a full picture of the labour those couples did: housework, paid employment, childcare and adult care – for instance, caring for an older relative.We used a technique that allowed us to see what groups emerged from the data to see how contemporary British couples share or divide these different types of work.

We also categorized our couples according to their answers to a series of ideological questions – were they both similarly traditional, egalitarian or middling, or was one partner more egalitarian while the other was more traditional?

Education levels

Then we looked at their levels of education – were both equally educated, was the woman more highly educated or was the man more highly educated?

Very few of the couples shared work equally. In just six per cent of couples, the woman was the main earner while domestic tasks were shared quite evenly. These women were likely to be more highly-educated than their partners. In a further one per cent of couples  the man remained at home and did more than 20 hours’ domestic labour. Even in those cases, around two thirds of the women also did some domestic work.

However, these stay-at-home men were quite likely to be caring for an adult – four out of ten of them provided more than 20 hours’ care per week. Only 30 per cent of female-earner couples had children under 16 living at home, and of those just a quarter of men had the main responsibility for childcare. Men in this group did more housework than in some other groups, but they still did less than their partners.

Almost half (49 per cent) of couples were dual-earner couples in which both members of the couple tended to be employed full-time but these couples were less likely than traditional couples to have children at home.

Traditional divisions of labour

About 30 per cent of couples were traditional in the division of work with men working full-time and women not employed or working short hours. These couples tended to have dependent children at home and women in this couples did large amounts of housework, and in a small minority of women in these couples doing over 20 hours of housework per week.

A small group of couples (two per cent) also emerged in which women worked part-time and men worked very long hours at 60 hours per week or more. These women had more responsibility for care, and more for housework.

The third most common group, at 13 per cent, was a slightly older group of couples in their fifties or early sixties, in which neither were working full-time and there was little or no care responsibility. Women in these couples did relatively high levels of housework, suggesting that these couples may have previously followed a traditional gender division of work.

Those couples who didn’t have shared egalitarian beliefs – either both had traditional views or one did but the other didn’t – were more likely to fall into a more traditional work pattern.

What about education?

Men who were better-educated than their partners were more likely to fall into the traditional working patterns, and men with lower educational qualifications than their partners were more likely to stay at home. And these traditional patterns were even more likely to pertain when the man was more highly-educated and both shared traditional views.

So, education makes a difference, and so does a shared ideology. But it is important to note that very few men, in any category, did longer hours of domestic work than their female partner. So when it comes to housework and caring, gender equality remains rare and gender norms remain strong. 

Our beliefs may form a starting point for shaping our behavior, but that’s only a starting point, and not a solution. The ‘bold’ 50 minutes for 50 percent suggestion in the State of the World’s Fathers report, certainly seems to be grabbing the bull by the horns and, like our research, points clearly to the need for urgent change in terms of who does the daily care work in our homes. That is if we genuinely want a significant shift in power relations between men and women and to bring about gender equality.

Gender divisions of paid and unpaid work in contemporary UK couples is research by Anne McMunn, Lauren Webb, Elizabeth Webb and Amanda Sacker is published in the journal, Work, Employment and Society.

 

Can ‘nudge’ theory help extend working lives?

Government policy in the UK and other industrialised countries aims to increase the numbers of people staying on in work for longer – but there are significant differences between different groups. Can social and economic factors explain them? Or is there truth in the suggestion that some groups of workers are ‘resistant’ to staying in work, particularly in poorer areas? Nicola Shelton and colleagues from UCL looked at regional differencesin extending working lives and found policymakers may need to rethink their approach.

Despite the government’s stated desire for longer working lives, many workers still stop working before state pension age. The proportion of 60 year-olds in work in England and Wales is 20 per cent lower than the proportion of 50 year-olds, according to 2011 census data. 

And this drop in work participation rates isn’t uniform: Existing research tells us those with lower educational qualifications – particularly women –are more likely than others to leave work early.

So, why might that be?  Some official publicationshave suggested there may be resistance to continuing in work among some groups– perhaps in areas where there are fewer professional or skilled jobs, and where levels of deprivation and unemployment are high.

We wanted to find out more about this:  what regional differences are there in the age at which people leave work? Are there gender differences? Are there particular factors – working conditions, household or individual factors – which can promote extended working lives? And if there are, how do they affect any regional variations?  

There is some previous research on the subject. 

studyusing the ONS Longitudinal Study(ONS‐LS) and the English Longitudinal Study of Ageingfound those in lower-grade jobs, those previously unemployed, those with health problems and those with no dependent children tended to  stay longer in work, along with women from Pakistani or Bangladeshi backgrounds and single women. The study included just two areas, comparing the South, East and Midlands with the North of England and Wales.  

Similar evidence exists from other countries – In FranceNorwayand Great Britain, links have been found between unemployment and deprivation and retirement rates.

Census data

We used census data – a one per cent sample of the total population – to look at what happened to adults who were aged between 40 and 49 in 2001.  This ONS‐LS data covers more than 33,000 women and just under 32,000 men who were therefore aged 50-59 in 2011. 

We found men in the North East were significantly less likely to extend their working lives than others. Those in the South West and South East were 1.6 times more likely to stay on than those in the North East, in the East of England 1.5 times, and in the East Midlands 1.4 times. 

Women in all regions apart from London and Wales were significantly more likely to stay in work than those in the North East, with figures ranging from 1.15 times in the North West and West Midlands to 1.6 times in the South West.

But when we did further analysis, we found that for men at least, other social factors could explain these differences. Put bluntly, the reason men in the North East leave work earlier is because they tend to have fewer qualifications and less favourable employment status – both of which are associated with shortened working lives.

When we did the same analysis for women, we found some additional factors which affected their likelihood of staying on in work. Those in lower-skilled jobs were less likely still to be in work by 2011, along with those working for larger employers. Those who worked away from home were also more likely to have left, along with those who worked long hours. 

And again, – when we considered these factors along with prior employment, health, social status and caring responsibilities, and only those in the South West were significantly more likely to stay on than those in the North East. 

Working conditions

So, what can governments do? Given a good work environment, choosing to remain in work may have positive benefits such as maintaining good health and functioning and providing a sense of purpose- so working conditions are important.

The biggest single factor in determining whether workers stay on for longer is prior employment – and that is not likely to be changed by behavioural approaches such as the ‘nudge’ theory of behavioural economics which is popular with policy makers.

Policies that do not address issues such as low levels of education and high levels of unskilled employment can only be partially successful in enabling people to work for longer. Indeed, some groups who may have the most financial need to remain in work are most likely to leave earlier. This is particularly an issue for women.

Policies that increase skills and education in later life, rather than simply targeting those ‘receptive’ to extended working, will be more likely to make a difference.

Gender differences and individual, household, and workplace characteristics: Regional geographies of extended working lives, is research by Nicola Shelton, Jenny Head, Ewan Carr and Paola Zaninotto, and is published in Population Space and Place. 

Work and family conflict: who is at risk?

Juggling the demands of work and family can create conflict and this can play out differently for men and women. But what other factors are at play? Do things like the sort of job we do and the levels of control we feel we have at work and at home matter too? It’s a subject of keen interest not just to individuals, but also employers and Government, who are being urged to provide more and better support for working parents. Dr Helena Falkenberg from Stockholm University and a team of colleagues have been investigating and find that these other factors do indeed matter, especially for women in senior level jobs.

Being in a job we enjoy and having a family are sources of great satisfaction, but also of conflicting demands. From organising childcare and sharing the housework to getting that all important report done on time and preparing for a big presentation, being a working parent can be tough at times.

Maybe there’s a special breakfast meeting that means mum or dad can’t take the kids to school or perhaps one of the children is suddenly unwell and decisions need to be taken around which parent will take time off. Work gets in the way of family life and family matters can prevent us getting on with our work.

A recent report from the Chartered Institute of Professional Development (CIPD) called for a step change in support for working parents from UK Government and employers, claiming initiatives such as Shared Parental Leave and free childcare policies are not hitting the mark, despite being well intentioned.

In this research, rather than looking simply at how and to what extent men and women are conflicted over work and family, we try to pinpoint more clearly other aspects of our lives that might be linked with conflict. In that we way, we can identify more clearly the sorts of individuals at greatest risk which in turn might help employers and policymakers identify and target support at specific groups.

This study investigated the links between gender and socioeconomic status (specifically in this case the type of job people did) and levels of conflict. It also examined how levels of control at home and work increased or reduced conflict.

The findings suggest that if you are a woman or have a higher level job, you are most likely to experience conflict between work and family life. In addition, the less in control you feel at work and at home, the greater that conflict is for both men and women.

Our study highlights the need to make it easier for higher status employees to combine work and family, especially women, and to increase the levels of control at work and at home to help individuals manage work and family successfully.

Civil servant data

We used information from the Whitehall II study of nearly 3,500 British civil servants (2,657 men and 827 women) in the 1990s. They were grouped into three different socioeconomic status levels

  • Senior administrative
  • Executive/professional
  • Clerical/support

Participants in the study were asked whether and to what extent their work interfered with family life. For example did work commitments reduce the amount of time they could spend with the family. Did their job involve a lot of travel away from home and did it make them irritable at home or leave them lacking the energy needed to do home and family related things.

When it came to how family got in the way of work, they were asked if family matters distracted them from getting on with work, prevent them from getting enough sleep to be do their job well and having enough time to themselves.

To dig deeper into the question of how in control they felt at work and at home, they were asked a range of questions including much say they had in decisions at work, how much choice about what they did and how much flexibility there was. For control at home they were asked to what extent they agreed or disagreed with the statement: “At home, I feel I have control over what happens in most situations.”

When we took into account factors such as part-time work, whether the individuals were married, had children or other caring responsibilities, women reported more conflict between work and family than men. When we added in to the analysis how much control over work and home life participants felt they had, the difference between men and women was even more pronounced.

Having a more senior position was also a key factor for both sexes, but especially for women. The small number of women at high grades in the civil service and other areas of the labour market appears, to some extent, to reflect the difficulties for women in high positions to combine work and family. Notably in our study sample, more than half of the women with senior level jobs did not have children.

When it came to how family interfered with work, once again women fared worse than men, with women having more than twice the risk of their family life interfering with their work life. Of the women, those in higher positions fared worst of all. The type of job the men did in the study did not make a difference to the levels of interference.

Being in control

Participants who reported low levels of control at work were most likely to say that work interfered with family life, indicating that more control and flexibility at work eases the transition between work and family. There was less of a link between low levels of control at work and those reporting family interference with work. However the interaction between control at work and the influences of socioeconomic status and gender needs further research to draw significant conclusions.

Low levels of control at home also contributed to a markedly higher risk of work-family and family-work conflict. This seemed to be equally important for women and men no matter what their position at work. To develop effective policies on work-family balance, the home sphere will need further research.

One limitation of our study is that it was conducted among white-collar British civil servants, and the findings may differ among other working populations and, particularly, in different countries with different social security systems. Information was also collected some years ago.

However, we found clear evidence that women experienced more interference between work and family and vice versa than men, especially women in senior positions. This is important as it might influence their career choices and their health over time.

We hope this research and further work in this area will help employers and Government to get a more nuanced picture of what factors are at play when it comes to the issues facing working parents, and ultimately develop initiatives and approaches that can reduce the conflict in a way that helps them to thrive at work and at home.

Further information

Do gender and socioeconomic status matter when combining work and family: Could control at work and at home help? Results from the Whitehall II study is research by Helena Falkenberg and Petra Lindfors of Stockholm University, Tarani Chandola of the University of Manchester and the ESRC International Centre for Lifecourse Studies, and Jenny Head of University College London. It is published in the journal Economic and Industrial Democracy.